Russian President Vladimir Putin has a new excuse for his brutal attacks on Ukraine: he accuses Ukrainians of sending two drones over the Kremlin to assassinate him. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky denies the attempt, saying that Ukraine needs weapons to fight on their own territory. Nobody was hurt, and Putin wasn’t in the Kremlin, instead staying at his heavily fortified compound in Novo-Ogaryovo, a Moscow suburb. Yet he plans to retaliate, possibly “preparing a large-scale terrorist provocation” in Ukraine, according to a Ukrainian presidential adviser.
Russia likely sent the drones because Putin is publicizing the event instead of hiding it from the embarrassment of a humiliating failure to protect the Kremlin. Exiled Leonid Volkov, a Russian politician opposed to Putin, wrote on his social media that Russian officials highlighted their “lack of air defenses, their vulnerability, weakness, and helplessness” but “decided that the pluses [of the publicity] would be able to outweigh the minuses.” Vladimir Putin’s first prime minister, Mikhail Kasyanov, said he thought Putin staged the operation to recruit for the Russian military.
Ukraine would probably not fly two drones 280 miles into Russia over the highly defended Kremlin without Russia’s discovering and destroying them before they reached the target. Ukrainian intelligence would also know Putin wasn’t in the building that night. The U.S. is also viewing Russia’s claim with great skepticism. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said takes anything Putin says with a “very large shaker of salt.”
An Atlantic article discusses the historical importance of Ukrainian territory to Putin. In 1774, Catherine the Great’s favorite general, Prince Grigory Potemkin, took the southern frontier of her empire from the Mongol Khans, Cossack hosts, and Ottoman Turks. He founded Kherson, the first home of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet and, in 1783, annexed Crimea, according to Russian belief. The mythology doesn’t describe Potemkin building fake villages along Catherine’s route on a 1787 six-month visit to Crimea in what was called New Russia to prove he was winning a war that he was not winning.
Russian rule, both czarist and Soviet, targeted Muslim Crimean Tatars, the majority of the peninsula’s population before Potemkin, with repression, intimidation, and ethnic cleansing. In 1944, Stalin sent all 200,000 people to Central Asia. They returned after the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1989 but mostly fled after Russian rule in 2014. The remaining 100 are political prisoners. Under Putin, Crimea changed from a holiday resort area to an area of trenches and fortifications with prisons for captured Ukrainians and a transport area for stolen Ukrainian grain.
When Russia occupied Kherson 14 months ago, their soldiers “kidnapped the mayor, tortured city employees, murdered civilians, and stole children.” Despite Putin’s declaration that Russian-occupied Ukraine became part of Russia, Ukrainians fought back. Russians bolted seven months later, taking Potemkin’s skull and several of his bones from St. Catherine’s Cathedral, built by Potemkin. Asked about the theft, Zelensky said that Russian soldiers take “everything,” including urinals.
Putin appears to be playing a waiting game, hoping that Western allies will tire, Deposed Donald Trump (DDT) will be elected president, Ukrainians will quit, or the poorly armed and trained Russian soldiers will overwhelm Ukrainians. Asked why the U.S. should support Ukraine, Zelensky said if Russia occupies Ukraine, the first of the dominoes falling to Russia, the Baltic countries would be next, followed by Europe, and then the NATO countries. He described it as a war over civilization, a battle “to show everybody else, including Russia, to respect sovereignty, human rights, territorial integrity; and to respect people, not to kill people, not to rape women, not to kill animals, not to take that which is not yours.” A win in Ukraine is a model to the rest of the world that human rights can be victorious against a much larger autocratic society.
Ukraine has demonstrated how uses everything availability in technology, such as “tiny little computer chips on the back of a rusty old vehicle, or in the backpack of a soldier, or on the payload of a drone.” Donations of weaponry from dozens of other countries has given them “approximately 10 systems of artillery” which Ukrainians coordinate with limited ammunition, manpower, and satellite connection. The citizens’ army is equally diverse from NATO-trained officers to older people guarding their villages. The Ukrainian army has gone from the least educated and ambitious to the best educated and most ambitious.
More than a battle between democracy and autocracy, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine represents a large, corrupt, top-down state fighting a flexible society. Ukrainian farmers defend their land while young engineers protect the skies; on the other side, Russian commanders send poorly armed conscripts as “cannon fodder” to be slaughtered.
A dream of victory in Ukraine is keeping sovereign control of its territory within internationally recognized borders, including land taken by Russia since 2014: Donetsk, Luhansk, Melitopol, Mariupol, Crimea. They believe that Russian de facto ceding territory emboldened Putin to take more territory. A cease-fire, as China has proposed, would encourage Putin to regroup, rearm, and try to take more of Ukraine, creating more areas with daily repression, terror, and human-rights violations.
Victory would also mean safety from terrorist attacks, shelling, missiles aimed at civilian areas and schools. Airports could reopen, refugees come home, foreign investments return, and new buildings won’t be blown up again.
A third meaning of victory means justice for war victims who lost homes, limbs, children—adjudicated from captured or sanctioned Russian assets, possibly by the International Criminal Court. Ukrainians believe neither Russia nor Putin can have impunity.
The Ukrainian dream of an independent country is not impossible. In the early 20th century, Britain was forced to stop considering the Irish as peasants incapable of governing themselves, and in the early 1960s, France was forced to end their colonial project in Algeria.
Putin’s downscaling or cancellations of major public events such as May Day (May 1) and Victory Day (May 9) are less likely intended for public safety from Ukraine’s attacks in Russia and more likely by worry about Russians publicly opposing his invasion of Ukraine, according to an authority on Eurasian affairs. One fear is “the potential humiliation of thousands of civilians marching with the portraits of sons and husbands fallen in Ukraine,” Samantha de Bendern wrote.
Russia is also falsely blaming the United States for ordering the drone strikes to assassinate Putin. This accusation came hours after Russia launched self-destructing drones against Kyiv and Odessa in very early morning. Eighteen of the 24 drones were shot down without casualties.
In another sign of Russian problems, Chinese President Xi Jinping called Zelensky for the first time since Russia invaded on February 24, 2022. For months, Xi has been suggesting peace plans, but they included Ukraine’s turning over its country’s land to Russia. Zelensky called the hourlong conversation “long and meaningful” and named an ambassador to China. Xi is sending his envoy for European affairs to Kyiv. Assumptions about Xi’s reaching out:
Xi may think that his alliance with Putin less than a month before his invasion was a mistake. Although Xi gives Russia funding and technical gear, he provides no weapons and watches Russia’s failures as the army’s recent offensive hasn’t moved the lines of battle forward.
Xi failed with his political campaign to benefit China with politico-economic inroads into Europe when China’s hardliner ambassador to France, Lu Shaye, disavowed sovereignty for former Soviet Union republics freed in 1989—including Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Ukraine—in late April, two days before Xi called Zelensky.
Zelensky’s consistently demands Russia withdraw its military from all occupied Ukrainian territory and agree to the 1991 borders before a ceasefire, meaning Russian departure from Crimea and Ukraine’s eastern Donbas region. Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev had given Crimea to Ukraine. A Zelensky “win” would collapse Putin’s power, and Xi would be forced into a decision of switching sides or joining Putin.
Much has been said about the leaks from the 21-year-old airman to his game-playing buddies, but Secretary of State Antony Blinken said that Ukraine is better off for the expected Ukrainian counteroffensive against Russia than the documents indicated with changes in the past few months.
Ukraine’s crop-sowing time is nigh, and mine-removers are busy. A Ukrainian farmer has created a way to take out live mines left in his field. His remotely-operated tractor has protective armor panels from damaged Russian tanks. He said an anti-tank mine blew off the armor, but the tractor is safe. He just repaired the tractor. Russians have mind about 30 percent of Ukrainian territory.
In Sudan, neither side—the military and the warlords—has the upper hand as the two generals fight for more strategic positions controlling oil infrastructure, military factories, and prominent landmarks before the next cease-fire on May 5. The military has greater ability to resupply; the paramilitary Rapid Support Force (RSF) has more weapons but less capability to obtain food and wounded treatment. The military has heavy armored vehicles and hundreds of tanks but problems in maintenance. With more maneuverability, however, the RSF has bases in residential neighborhoods. The military controls functioning manufacture of heavy weaponry and ammunition while the RSF has a complex making light weapons and ammunition.
Meanwhile, in the capital, residents are trapped without water, food, or transport. In South Darfur’s Nyala, the RSF has the police and intelligence headquarters, the airport, and the eastern half; the army has the city headquarters and the main markets. Other cities are equally split.