In January 2017, the Women’s March protesting the election of Dictator Donald Trump (DDT) may have been one of the most successful in history, but within the next year dissension destroyed the same success in ensuing years. Protest movements have a history of factions, but the serious divisions in the women’s movement against DDT were highly expanded by Russian trolls paid by the government, according to a detailed article by Ellen Barry. Following are a summary and excerpts from her piece.
Overnight, the protesters turned on their leader, Linda Sarsour, because of targeted grievances sent to social media by organizations linked to the Russian government pretending to be “Black women critical of white feminism, conservative women who felt excluded, and men who mocked participants as hairy-legged whiners.” The most successful Russian trolling was against Sarsour, a Palestinian and observant Muslim American activist. For 18 months, the trolls sent fictional narratives about her through 2,642 tweets from 152 different Russian accounts.
Russia followed its pattern over a century old of weakening Western adversaries by exacerbating racial and ethnic problems. In the 1960s, KGB officers in the U.S. paid agents to paint swastikas on synagogues and desecrate Jewish cemeteries. Pretending to be white supremacists, they forged racist letters to African diplomats. Russian President Vladimir Putin revived these strategies a decade ago when he funneled over $300 million to political parties in over two dozen countries, trying to sway policies toward Russia’s favor. Russia’s Internet Research Agency, controlled by Putin’s ally, doubled its budget in its desire to get DDT elected in 2016, but social media programs waited over a year to purge the Russian accounts.
Since that time, Russia switched to pushing rifts in U.S. society. It hired people to scan fringe news outlets looking for extreme content to publish and amplify. The goal was “a visceral, emotional reaction, ideally one of indignation … a kind of explosion.” Because it was a “Western agenda,” feminism was an obvious target, especially publishing accounts supposedly by Black women to promote racial divisions. Russian accounts pretended to be “resentful trans women, poor women, and anti-abortion women. They dismissed the marchers as pawns of the Jewish billionaire George Soros. And they derided the women who planned to participate, often in crudely sexual terms.”
Meanwhile, the Russians developed a more effective line of messaging, using Sarsour. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) had featured her at a 2016 campaign event, troubling New York’s pro-Israel politicians because of her support for the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement to obtain Palestinian rights. The Women’s March was accused of tolerating anti-Semitism.
Forty-eight hours after the march, Russian posts called Sarsour “a radical jihadi who had infiltrated American feminism.” Posts used such falsehoods as the claim that she was a radical Islamist, “a pro-ISIS Anti USA Jew Hating Muslim” who “was seen flashing the ISIS sign.” They moved on to tweeting that “Sarsour favored imposing Shariah law in the United States.” This message initially received 1,686 replies, 8,046 retweets, and 6,256 likes. The next day, 1,157 right-wing accounts picked up the narrative, publishing 1,659 posts on the subject.
From all over the country, hate mail poured into Sarsour’s nonprofit immigrant advocacy organization, the Arab American Association of New York. By spring, the divisive politics drowned out ideas behind the Women’s March. Her invitation to be graduation speaker at the City University of New York’s graduate school of public health brought far-right polemicist Milo Yiannopoulos to the city in protest, attracting “a strange mix, including right-leaning Jews and Zionists, commentators like Pamela Geller, and some members of the alt-right.” Yiannopoulos told them, “Linda Sarsour is a Shariah-loving, terrorist-embracing, Jew-hating, ticking time bomb of progressive horror.”
The Russian troll accounts came from GRU, its largest military intelligence agency with the hashtag “#CancelSarsour.” After no incident at the graduation speech, trolls waited for her to say something divisive. That summer she told a Muslim audience near Chicago to protest unjust government policies as “the best form of jihad.” In Islam, the term refers to any virtuous struggle, but people in the U.S. think of it as a holy war. Trolls produced 184 posts in a single day, and the audience responded with 6,222 retweets and 6,549 likes followed by a strong focus on Sarsour. Protesters at a kosher barbecue restaurant demanded her brother be fired as manager. He left the job and then New York. Her mother received a self-published book, A Jihad Grows in Brooklyn, falsely claiming to be Sarsour’s autobiography and illustrated with family photographs.
Barry wrote:
“It is maddeningly difficult to say with any certainty what effect Russian influence operations have had on the United States, because when they took hold they piggybacked on real social divisions. Once pumped into American discourse, the Russian trace vanishes, like water that has been added to a swimming pool.”
Internal disputes of the Women’s March had started during its formation. A Jewish organizer Vanessa Wruble was pushed out after difficult discussions with co-chairs Carmen Perez, Tamika Mallory about the role of Jews in structural racism. Rachel Timoner, the senior rabbi of Congregation Beth Elohim in Park Slope, Brooklyn said “discomfort” with Sarsour “had dampened enthusiasm among some Jewish progressives.” She said she defended Sarsour against “racist and Islamophobic” attacks, but Sarsour would then say “something inflammatory and ‘ultimately indefensible.” Timoner said Jews wondered if “were being excluded from progressive movements.”
A year after the 2017 Women’s March, Mallory attended the annual gathering of the Nation of Islam led by Louis Farrakhan. She refused to disavow him because the Nation of Islam was considered “crusaders against urban violence” although she didn’t share his anti-Semitic position. Sarsour and Perez supported Mallory, and progressive groups distanced themselves from the three co-chairs. Perez and Sarsour stepped down from their positions as did another co-chair, Bob Bland.
Russian trolls were busy posting about Farrakhan and the Women’s March leaders in spring 2018. By that summer, however, Twitter suspended 3,841 accounts traced to Russia’s Internet Research Agency but kept 10 million of their tweets for research study. In the fall, Twitter suspended 414 accounts from Russia’s GRU but kept its work.
“With that, a chorus of voices went silent—accounts that, for years, had helped shape American conversations about Black Lives Matter, the Mueller investigation and NFL players kneeling during the national anthem. The record of the messaging around the Women’s March breaks off there, too, frozen in time.”
Shireen Mitchell, a technology analyst who has studied Russian interference in Black online discourse and the founder of Stop Online Violence against Women, said about the Russian trolls’ seeding ideas:
“It’s the priming of all that, starting from the beginning. If those thousand tweets hit a division between the groups that matter, if they open and allow that division, it’s no longer a crack. It becomes a valley.”
Under new leadership, the Women’s March continued, but the controversy lost many women electrified by the first one. Seattle resident JeanetteTaylor-Skinner who founded The Electorette, a podcast directed to progressive women, said she lost the feeling of unity:
“Just thinking about it, I still feel a bit unmoored from any central movement. There was a coalition possibly forming here that has been broken up.”
Five years after the monumental 2017 Women’s March, Sarsour is no longer considered as a future political candidate but hopes to continue as an activist:
“I’m never going to get a real job [at a major nonprofit or a corporation]. That’s the kind of impact that these things have on our lives.”
The academic journal International Journal of Communication published data on Russian messaging connected to the Women’s March late in 2021 in a review of state interference in feminist movements. Coauthor Samantha Bradshaw said that “movements … are fragile structures, often unprepared to weather well-resourced state-backed sabotage campaigns, especially when combined with algorithms that promote negative content.”
Sarsour was surprised about the research:
“All that time, the Russian government had been thinking about her. She had long had a sense of where her critics came from: the American right wing, and supporters of Israel. A foreign government — that was something that had never occurred to her.”
She said:
“To think that Russia is going to use me, it’s much more dangerous and sinister. What does Russia get out of leveraging my identity, you know, to undermine movements that were anti-Trump in America—I guess.”
Learning about what Russian trolls had done helped her understand what happened. She called Mallory and said, “We weren’t crazy.”
[Note: Despite the rigorous studies of Russian trolling and a history of its past, many of the comments to the article reflect the opinion that Russians have no influence on people in the U.S. and describe Sarsour in highly negative terms. In some cases, Russia wins.—Editor]