On February 21, a Wisconsin primary selected candidates for its state Supreme Court direction. Four candidates—two conservatives and two progressives—ran for the open position after a retiring conservative Republican judge left the court with a 3-3 split between positions. Conservatives have controlled the court for 14 years in union-busting and voter suppression. Primary candidates were progressives Janet Protasiewicz and Everett Mitchell and conservatives Jennifer Dorow and Daniel Kelly.
On April 4, voters will pick between the top two vote-getters. With 94 percent of the vote in, Protasiewicz took 46.7 percent with 435,253 votes and Kelly got 228,152 votes for 24.3 percent. Dorow received 203,959 votes, and Mitchell came in last at 70,457 votes. Claiming the race is nonpartisan, Kelly attacked Protasiewicz for addressing her views on abortion and the state’s gerrymandered district maps, issues that might come before the court. Calling himself a GOP spokesman, Kelly was paid $120,000 by state and national Republicans to advise on election issues such as having fake GOP electors cast ballots for former Dictator Donald Trump (DDT) after Biden won the state by 21,000 votes. DDT endorsed Kelly for his failed reelection in 2020 as justice.
Both Dorow and Kelly attended Pat Robertson’s Regent University, a law school in a five-way tie for the lowest ranked law school by the U.S. News and World Report. The school’s dean stated the school seeks to create “Christ-centered attorneys” who have a “Christian worldview of law.” A 2007 article described how a constitutional law class at the school began with a discussion about preserving Christian values. Kelly has declared that the Supreme Court ruling for marriage equality “will eventually rob the institution of marriage of any discernible meaning.” Both conservative candidates were endorsed by anti-abortion groups.
With donations from outside groups, conservatives collected $3.4 million and liberals received $3.5 million. More millions may pour in, resulting in tens of millions of dollars, perhaps up to $30 million. Wisconsin is one of the most pivotal states in the nation for voting, the tipping point in the last two presidential elections and determined presidential elections by under one percent in four of the last six elections. Justices are elected for ten-year terms.
Issues for upcoming sessions are an 1849 anti-abortion law allowing exceptions only for the life of the pregnant woman and revisitation of gerrymandered legislative maps.
In the same primary, DDT’s endorsed candidate for state Senate, state Rep. Janel Brandtjen, lost to state Rep. Dan Knodl in a three-way GOP race. Knodl goes up against Democrati Jodi Habush Sinykin on April 4. Brandtjen had been banned from the GOP caucus by Assembly Republicans because she pushed conspiracy theories about Biden losing Wisconsin and demanded that the legislature declare DDT the winner. The Senate race became open after the GOP incumbent retired. A GOP victory gives the party a two-thirds majority, enough votes to override vetoes by the Democratic governor as well as convict “civil officers” in impeachment trials. The state constitution, however, doesn’t define civil officers. The Supreme Court ruled out legislators from that category, but the governor is an impeachable officer.
February 21 also marked President Joe Biden’s speech in Warsaw in a pledge to support Ukraine despite any peril. He urged the world’s nations to continue with a unified defense of Ukraine to save global democracy and protect against Russia’s crimes against humanity. Ridiculing Putin, Biden called him a failed leader who badly miscalculated the invasion. “President Putin’s craven lust for land and power will fail,” Biden said, “and the Ukrainian people’s love for their country will prevail.” Fox network’s Peter Ducey criticized Biden’s speech because it was about democracy.
The day after the speech, Biden will meet with leaders of the Bucharest Nine, NATO’s eastern nations particularly worried about Russian aggression and with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg.
Hours before, Russian President Vladimir Putin blamed the U.S. for his invasion of Ukraine and lied about its “neo-Nazi regime.” He also announced he would suspend Russia’s participation in the 2011 New Start pact, the only existing treaty regulating U.S. and Russia nuclear arsenals. Putin limited the number of intercontinental ballistic missiles and warheads deployed by the two countries. Although he claimed he wouldn’t “withdraw” from the treaty, he made a covert threat to use these weapons in Ukraine. Putin said he wouldn’t permit NATO countries to inspect its nuclear arsenal.
Beyond Ukraine, Putin promised to build a new highway to Vladivostok and pictured Russia as open and resilient while avoiding any mention of his military defeats in Ukaine, increasing casualties, and Russia’s economic challenges caused by the war. To Putin, international isolation is how Russia will cleanse itself of harmful alien ideologies. Putin accompanied his lies with a rocket attack at a crowded bus station in Kherson, killing at least six people and injuring scores more.
The third major event of February 21 was the 150 minutes of argument before the Supreme Court for Gonzalez v. Google, a decision that could completely change the internet. At this time, posting of content by internet companies is protected from lawsuits by a federal law, Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996. No tech platform “shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider.”
The family of an exchange student killed in an Islamic State attack filed a lawsuit accusing Google of liability for ISIS recruiting on YouTube. The high court decision can either allow tech companies these protections for posting content from outside parties or make them responsible for all content. Justice Elena Kagan cut to the chase when she questioned how far the justices should go in cutting back protection:
“We’re a court. We really don’t know about these things. You know, these are not like the nine greatest experts on the internet.”
Kagan and Justice Brett Kavanaugh considered the large number of lawsuits after a ruling in favor of the Gonzalez family. Kavanaugh wanted to turn the situation over to Congress. Justice Amy Coney Barrett suggested turning the case back to the lower courts for more work. Previous courts have allowed Section 230 to protect tech companies from liability for photos, videos, and other posts shared on their services.
Google argues that the law gives it immunity from legal responsibility for videos found by recommendation algorithms. The Gonzelez’s attorney accused that this interpretation of Section 230 promotes harmful content and denies victims an opportunity to seek redress.
Justice Clarence Thomas, a frequent critic of big tech and their protections, said he didn’t understand how YouTube could aid and abet terrorism if the “neutral” algorithms operate the same way for both information about the Islamic State and making rice pilaf. Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. questioned whether recommending a video to someone expressing interest in a subject might be the “21st Century” equivalent of a bookseller showing a customer books about a subject such as sports.
Justice Sonia Sotomayor and Kagan told the family’s attorney that his argument about algorithmic recommendations was extremely broad. They are used for every search, and his position could mean Section 230 provides no protection. In questioning Google’s lawyer, Lisa Blatt, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson indicated that Section 230 was to encourage tech companies to remove offensive content as well as protect them from liability. Blatt stuck to her position that Section 230 is clear and strong.
Google won in lower courts sometimes with muddy results. Some prominent judges, however, claim these courts read Section 230 too broadly. A problem is the rapid development of technology since Congress passed the 27-year-old law. The new chatbots provide another issue by turning tech companies into publishers instead of just distributors from other companies.
The Supreme Court isn’t finished with technology. On February 22, justices hear arguments in Twitter v. Taamneh, another case brought by the family of a terror-attack victim alleging social media companies are responsible for allowing the Islamic State to use their platforms. Barrett wants to tie the outcome of that case to Gonzalez. The Supreme Court could also consider challenges to a Florida law barring social media companies from suspending politicians and a Texas law blocking companies from removing content based on a user’s political ideology.
U.S. Naval Academy law professor Jeff Kosseff, an authority on Section 230, said that several justices seemed inclined to limit Section 230 but lacked consensus of a new legal standard. Kavanaugh worried about “a lot of economic dislocation [that] would really crash the digital economy with all sorts of effects on workers and consumers, retirement plans and what have you.”
An analysis in The Hill expressed concern that narrowing Section 320 would disproportionately impact small and mid-size companies. Yelp filed an amicus brief stating “deceptive reviews would flourish and consumers would be harmed” without the protections. Reddit’s brief said narrowing Section 230 protections “risks devastating the internet,” and that smaller and startup platforms depend on it to “foster diverse approaches to content moderation and to challenge the dominant industry leaders.” Another concern is that narrowing the protections would stymie innovation because smaller businesses lack resources to adjust to a narrower protection.
Democrats want a more aggressive job removing hate speech and dangerous disinformation; Section 230 protects them from being accountable. Republicans accuse the companies of an anti-conservative bias; Section 230 protects them from being held accountable.